塞尔玛

看完这部描写美国民权斗士马丁·路德·金的历史传记电影《塞尔玛》，真的佩服那个时代的那批为了平等权利而奋斗的人们，他们是真正的勇士，是斗士。

那种对自由和平等的向往，对强权和压迫的抗争，对歧视和偏见的反抗，以及争取自由平等路上所遭遇的那些恐吓，暴力，欺诈，争执。

这所有的一切他们都以非暴力的游行，演讲，静坐的方式来实现和应对，并最终取得了胜利，然而却不是彻底和完整的胜利，时至今日，电影中的那种歧视，不平等，厌恶和偏见仍然存在，那么这场塞尔玛游行就还远没有到结束的时候。。。

就电影本身来说，是一部非常细致认真的作品，很多小角色的演绎十分精彩，并不下于主角，电影的情绪表达很煽情，配上那动人的音乐，留下眼泪的人肯定不止我一个吧。

影片中对于那些演讲，游行的场面制作的比较到位，很震撼，很感动，而对于MLJ生活中的那些琐碎小事和情感纠葛描写的也很细致，这不是一个高大上的MLJ，而是一个真实的，有血有肉的MLJ。

总的来讲，这是一部非常不错的电影，感兴趣的可以去看看。。

In the movie, Dr. King is a little confused about his goal, but he knows that he cannot give up, the black rights must be obtained by someone to extract the rational appeal（提出理性呼吁）, someone to sacrifice（牺牲）themselves, to unite people.During the last parade,which took up almost the entire bridge, all the white participants joined hands with the black crowd, sang songs and marched toward the Capitol（国会大厦）. At the end of the movie, the reconciliation of the President takes a new step to achieve equal rights for blacks. The violent police chief was sacked, Dr. King's wife attended the speech, two of Dr. King's aides were elected to the United States congress and Jamie's grandfather was finally belatedly given the vote. This, so to speak, gave the paradea happy ending. Dr. King was not accepted by his family or understood by others. But he remained calm enough to stand his ground. In contrast to the heartless world, Dr. King's speech is so moving, like a fire to warm the heart. Finally, he was imprinted on the hearts of sentient people all over the world. Dr. King lives on in their hearts.

在当前的国际社会风云变幻下看这部电影，莫名感慨。

自由民主平等博爱貌似在慢慢进步了，突然，有那么个特殊时点特殊地点特殊事件，温情脉脉的面纱乍然撕开，狰狞的真相刺瞎了世人的双眼。

人性要战胜兽性是不是一场没有尽头的拉锯战，衣食无忧世界太平时候是一副光景，利益冲突你抢我夺时候又是另一副光景。

那些莫名优越霸凌同类者们请把此片当作每日的圣经吧，一日三省，尤其是身居高位者别干蠢事别说蠢话，生而为人要善良。

大赞金博士，冷静理智勇敢坚定地引领弱势群体争取正当权利。

今日的华莱士州长又回血重生，今日的金博士你在何方。

历史传记题材电影《塞尔玛》由阿娃·杜威内执导，蒂姆·罗斯、大卫·奥伊罗、小库珀·古丁、汤姆·威尔金森主演，影片聚焦美国民权斗士马丁·路德·金1965年组织的“由塞尔玛向蒙哥马利进军”行动。

导演: 艾娃·德约列主演: 蒂姆·罗斯 / 小库珀·古丁 / 汤姆·威尔金森 / 科曼 / 大卫·奥伊罗 / 卡门·艾乔戈 / 维德尔·皮尔斯 / 洛莱妮·图桑特 / 泰莎·汤普森 / Niecy Nash / 凯斯·斯坦菲尔德 / Jeremy Strong / 科瑞·雷诺兹 / Stephan James / Andre Holland类型: 剧情, 历史地区: 英国, 美国片长: 122分钟上映: 2014-12-25(美国)

《塞尔玛》真的是一部“主旋律电影”吗？

在中国大陆的语境里，“主旋律电影”暗示该电影或多或少地有官方参与投资、制作和发行，又或者暗示该电影顺从甚至直接宣扬官方的意识形态。

据我所知，美国政府并没有在前者有明显的行为，所以我将对后者的进行简单讨论。

诚然，马丁·路德·金早已成为美国官方历史中的一个正面形象，甚至还有一个以他命名的公众假期；毫无疑问，他是家喻户晓的“非暴力抗争”德谟克拉西斗士。

问题是，很多人听到更多是“非暴力”的一面，而有意无意地忽略“抗争”；于是，当人们把金理解成一位宣扬和平的好人时似乎忘记了一点：“非暴力”是抗争的手段。

为何轻视“抗争”的一面？

当大家通过电影知道他抗争的对象是谁的时候，便应该清楚为何有人希望淡化“抗争”了。

稍有常识的人都知道，金并不是唯一一位非裔民权社运家；对历史有过思考的人也应该都知道，当官方不得不把这些非裔社运家写进历史的时候会作怎样的选择。

举另一个更有名的例子。

金在1963年的华盛顿游行中讲到他做了的一个梦，但正史甚少提及的是，他在同一篇演说中还提到黑人这次游行到华盛顿是来兑现一张支票的，一张关于“生存权、自由权和追求幸福权”的支票，但美国政府一直都“没有足够的经费”来兑现。

于是，当我们把这篇演说放在心灵鸡汤栏目时，是否应该思考如下问题：如果我们把该文章的题目改成“没有足够的经费”，那它是否还有同等的意义？

我们为何会被引导去“梦”这一块而不是“经费”这一块？

官方历史会希望你去记住哪一部分？

我们应当如何看待非裔的斗争历史？

我经常会看到一种很有问题的表述：非裔能争取到权利是因为他们受到宪法保护。

这样的表述在我看来是本末倒置。

我们应该问：美国有宪法和修正案，为何非裔还需要作流血牺牲来争权？

假设宪法和修正案真有根本解决问题的效力，那种族问题早应该在十九世纪七十年代就得到解决了；那时国会一连串地通过十三、十四和十五修正案，分别废除奴隶制、保障公民受到法律的同等保护以及不能因肤色而剥夺一名男性的投票权。

正如历史所示，问题并没有得到解决。

首先修正案存在很多漏洞让人钻空子，比如在投票方面，不同州可以在投票处设立各种表面上不打种族主义旗号的限制（如《塞尔玛》开始所示）；其次，也是更显而易见的一个问题：法律通过了就能消除人心中的种族歧视吗（试想一下曾经被你瞧不起的商品突然和你有一样的权利）？

另一方面，自奴隶制废除后，种族问题显得越发复杂。

奴隶们被解放了，但他们没有经济基础（在佃农和城市化中继续被剥削）或政治基础（限制投票和参选的手段多的是，于是非裔难被选上，就算被选上，他/她有多大程度不受白人政治影响？

）。

于是在平权运动的发展过程中，人们越发认识到种族与经济和政治息息相关；歧视并不止表现在奴隶主打奴隶上，还表现在政策、就业和住房分配等的各个方面；这些复杂的关系使得种族歧视者能够打着其他的旗号（如貌似客观的统计数据）、通过貌似不分肤色的机构手段来实现（如“管理高犯罪率或低收入的社群”），并能轻易否认“种族主义者”的身份；另一方面，政府在让社区增权益能、受教育和就业等方面则是敷衍了事，官僚体制更让其效果大打折扣甚至起反作用，同时还紧抓着个别成功的例子宣称美国已进入“后种族时代”。

在这样复杂的局面下要再谈论种族问题，进步社团只能冒着被贴“种族主义者”的标签来大喊“黑人生命很重要”了，又或者像费格森示威者那样通过简单直接的方法来凸显种族和经济之间的关系，又或者在主流政治内艰难地反对着投票者身份证法案（又一限制投票的手段，Wiki: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voter_ID_laws_in_the_United_States ）。

当种族涉及到美国的政治和经济基础问题时，“黑”与“白”便不仅仅是肤色区别了。

上述的大多数内容在美国主流文化输出中可能甚少被提及，于是我们只看到被“净化”过的马丁·路德·金在步出塞尔玛时的伟岸身影，并觉得那一刻正是所谓“美国德谟克拉西优越性”的重要体现，而难以察觉该逻辑的荒谬，更别提其背后的复杂历史和社会背景了。

可惜的是，《塞尔玛》也正是美国主流文化输出的一个商品。

它有着大片厂的投资和发行，制作精良，内容上走着好莱坞文艺片简单的煽情和二元对立，虽尝试表现金的人格弱点以及联邦政府的暧昧态度，但中规中矩的戏剧套路让其丧失了批判力度和联系古今的机会，成为又一部“通过诉说历史让历史成为过去”的电影。

当然，在好莱坞越来越保守的今天，让一部主流叙事片去直接质疑和批判其国家的政治和经济基础并煽动普通民众走上街头未免要求过高，毕竟它要保证不引起争端，从而顺利制作、发行和提名小金人。

从这方面看，如果美国的终极意识形态是资本主义的话，那《塞尔玛》还真算是一部“主旋律电影”。

（写于“塞尔玛血腥星期天”五十周年）注：本文无意就马丁·路德·金本人或其1963年华盛顿游行的演说（还有所有其他演说）作任何结论或猜测，更没有试图贬低其演说中的任何信息。

附1：The selection of facts from the past involves an interpretation, a sense of priorities, a sense of values as to what matters. History can be a very strong weapon for people who wish to construct a certain movement in a certain direction. - Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.附2：And we are not wrong; we are not wrong in what we are doing. (Well) If we are wrong, the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. (Yes sir) [applause] If we are wrong, the Constitution of the United States is wrong. (Yes) [applause] If we are wrong, God Almighty is wrong. (That's right) [applause] If we are wrong, Jesus of Nazareth was merely a utopian dreamer that never came down to Earth. (Yes) [applause] If we are wrong, justice is a lie (Yes), love has no meaning. [applause] And we are determined here in Montgomery to work and fight until justice runs down like water (Yes), [applause] and righteousness like a mighty stream. (12/05/1955)You have a dual citizenry. You live both in time and eternity; both in heaven and earth. Therefore, your ultimate allegiance is not to the government, not to the state, not to nation, not to any man-made institution. The Christian owes his ultimate allegiance to God, and if any earthly institution conflicts with God's will it is your Christian duty to take a stand against it. You must never allow the transitory evanescent demands of man-made institutions to take precedence over the eternal demands of the Almighty God. (11/04/1956)First, there is need for strong, aggressive leadership from the federal government. So far, only the judicial branch of the government has evinced this quality of leadership. If the executive and legislative branches of the government were as concerned about the protection of our citizenship rights as the federal courts have been, then the transition from a segregated to an integrated society would be infinitely smoother. But we so often look to Washington in vain for this concern. In the midst of the tragic breakdown of law and order, the executive branch of the government is all too silent and apathetic. In the midst of the desperate need for civil rights legislation, the legislative branch of the government is all too stagnant and hypocritical. (05/17/1957)Democracy is the greatest form of government to my mind that man has ever conceived, but the weakness is that we have never touched it. Isn’t it true that we have often taken necessities from the masses to give luxuries to the classes? Isn’t it true that we have often in our democracy trampled over individuals and races with the iron feet of oppression? Isn’t it true that through our Western powers we have perpetuated colonialism and imperialism? And all of these things must be taken under consideration as we look at Russia. We must face the fact that the rhythmic beat of the deep rumblings of discontent from Asia and Africa is at bottom a revolt against the imperialism and colonialism perpetuated by Western civilization all these many years. The success of communism in the world today is due to the failure of democracy to live up to the noble ideals and principles inherent in its system. (11/17/1957)You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all." (04/16/1963)It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain." (04/04/1967)When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was sixty percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare he is fifty percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus, half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we turn to the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share: There are twice as many unemployed; the rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites; and there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion to their size in the population. (08/16/1967)In 1863 the Negro was told that he was free as a result of the Emancipation Proclamation being signed by Abraham Lincoln. But he was not given any land to make that freedom meaningful. It was something like keeping a person in prison for a number of years and suddenly discovering that that person is not guilty of the crime for which he was convicted. And you just go up to him and say, "Now you are free," but you don’t give him any bus fare to get to town. You don’t give him any money to get some clothes to put on his back or to get on his feet again in life. Every court of jurisprudence would rise up against this, and yet this is the very thing that our nation did to the black man. It simply said, "You’re free," and it left him there penniless, illiterate, not knowing what to do. And the irony of it all is that at the same time the nation failed to do anything for the black man, though an act of Congress was giving away millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest. Which meant that it was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor. (03/31/1968)当然，还有我最喜欢的一句：Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. （04/16/1963)关于华盛顿游行的另一个观点：It’s just like when you’ve got some coffee that’s too black, which means it’s too strong. What you do? You integrate it with cream; you make it weak. If you pour too much cream in, you won’t even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it’ll put you to sleep. This is what they （民权领袖们） did with the march on Washington. They joined it. They didn’t integrate it; they infiltrated it. They joined it, became a part of it, took it over. And as they took it over, it lost its militancy. They ceased to be angry. They ceased to be hot. They ceased to be uncompromising. Why, it even ceased to be a march. It became a picnic, a circus. Nothing but a circus, with clowns and all. You had one right here in Detroit — I saw it on television — with clowns leading it, white clowns and black clowns. I know you don’t like what I’m saying, but I’m going to tell you anyway. ’Cause I can prove what I’m saying. If you think I’m telling you wrong, you bring me Martin Luther King and A. Philip Randolph and James Farmer and those other three, and see if they’ll deny it over a microphone.No, it was a sellout. It was a takeover. When James Baldwin came in from Paris, they wouldn’t let him talk, ’cause they couldn’t make him go by the script. Burt Lancaster read the speech that Baldwin was supposed to make; they wouldn’t let Baldwin get up there, ’cause they know Baldwin’s liable to say anything. They controlled it so tight — they told those Negroes what time to hit town, how to come, where to stop, what signs to carry, what song to sing, what speech they could make, and what speech they couldn’t make; and then told them to get out town by sundown. And everyone of those Toms （汤姆叔叔）was out of town by sundown. Now I know you don’t like my saying this. But I can back it up. It was a circus, a performance that beat anything Hollywood could ever do, the performance of the year. Reuther and those other three devils should get a Academy Award for the best actors ’cause they acted like they really loved Negroes and fooled a whole lot of Negroes. And the six Negro leaders should get an award too, for the best supporting cast. （Malcolm X on March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 11/10/1963. Malcolm X的思想在人生最后一年发生重大变化，故决不能就上述摘录而归纳其对民权运动的看法，就像不能用金的一篇演说来总结金一样）再次强调：本文无意就马丁·路德·金本人或其1963年华盛顿游行的演说（还有所有其他演说）作任何结论或猜测，更没有试图贬低其演说中的任何信息。

看完《塞尔玛游行》，至今仍在感动中。

虽然身在大洋的彼岸，也没有亲身的体验过种族歧视的感觉。

但是我有感受到地域的歧视。

由于家乡太过于贫穷，我们很多人被迫离家到其他地方寻一口饭。

我们的抱团取暖，有时可能会让人误解，也有一部分的人素质不够高，受教育程度比较低，名声在时间的流逝中慢慢的败坏。

我们不敢表明自己的籍贯，怕一说，别人就一脸的了然，然后说：哦，听说你们那里人怎样怎样。

可我身边没有这样的人，他们辛勤劳动，他们不偷不抢，他们和蔼可亲，我不想让他们蒙受这样的莫须有的骂名，所以我一般难以启齿我来自于哪里。

可是在美国，黑人面对的不仅仅是这些简单简单的不痛不痒的骂名，而是他们被剥夺的选举权，他们被禁止的言论自由，甚至于他们没有作为人的尊严与平等生存的权利和宝贵的生命。

黑人在公交要让座与白人，没有选举的权利，他们被随意的殴打，枪杀，法律形同于虚设，宪法上的自由平等被种族的歧视所践踏。

我不禁的愕然，这是在20世纪世界最强大，制度最民主的美国吗！

对于马丁路德金，我找不到一个贴切的词来去赞颂他的伟大。

无惧威胁，无惧辱骂，无惧殴打，一直坚持着民主斗士形象。

他的演讲，入木三分，慷慨激昂，极具力量，给人信心。

佩服他，一直很理性的让游行的人们不要以暴力来面对暴力。

这得具备多大的勇气。

我记忆犹新他初到塞尔玛，被一白人重重打了一拳，却没有反击，以身做到他的主张；吉米的死，让他痛苦万分，动摇了他的初心，他要的是选举权，不想为了游行牺牲了谁；白人牧师应征到塞尔玛，却惨遭不幸让他愤怒万分，打电话总统，请求早点通过法案，希望吉米家属也能得到总统同样的问候；在约翰的劝说，关心自己的生命安全，他说；他躲不了，所有人都躲不了，他时刻怀着慷慨就义的心。

感谢影片还原了一个鲜活的马丁路德金，有血有肉。

他的伟岸，望尘莫及，他的理念，永垂不朽！

最后便是影片中浓浓的宗教虔诚。

宗教的信仰，让疲惫不堪的马丁路德金得到力量，走出困惑，坚持走下去；宗教的信仰，让许许多多的白人，不远万里，奔赴塞尔玛，参加游行，为黑人声张正义，争取平等；宗教的信仰让无数的黑人们，在绝望中，依然乐观面对，不畏前路的坎坷崎岖，当下痛失至亲的痛苦。

他们选择主，他们坚信主，主一定不忍心他们收到不平等对待，光明必将降临！

我羡慕美国民众的公民意识。

记得马丁神父在波斯顿犹太人屠杀纪念碑上书：当他们来抓共产主义者的时候，我没有站出来反对，我想我反正不是共产主义者。

当他们来抓犹太人的时候，我没有站出来反对，我想我反正不是犹太人。

当他们来抓工会组织者的时候，我没有站出来反对，我想我反正不是工会的人。

当他们来抓天主教徒的时候，我没有站出来反对，我想我反正不是天主教徒。

后来，当他们来抓我的时候，已经没有人能站出来为我说话了。

我倾向于自由党派站出来的原由不止于这个考虑以后有为他说话的人。

更重要的是他们的宗教信仰。

在美国，宗教氛围很浓，绝大多数人都有自己的信仰，并恪守它，用它来指引自己的生活。

也可以说，他们信仰的教条是他们共同的契约。

这契约中有，自由，平等，民主！

他们的宗教信仰力量在一定程度上，可视同于法律。

我想，我们的国民公民意识远没有美国强，在于我们没有这样的契约信仰。

我们没有信仰敬畏我们的法律，所以有那么多的贪污腐败，徇私枉法。

我们把我们的敬畏交给了虚无缥缈没有即时效力的神明，祈求用道德的约束，自觉遵守秩序。

可我们都知道，在一个没有强制力社会，这些是远远不够的。

我的理想社会是一个法制高度发达的社会，人民守法，敬法，护法！

法律虽然是死板的，但却是不可歪解的，公平的，我宁愿在高度法制的牢笼接受审判，也不愿在讲人情冷暖的舒适床上苟活。

写到这，发现自己写的不是影评，而是自己对影片的所感之处，不喜请拉过。

主旋律之外感受更深的是，人没必要去热爱自己无法选择的东西。

出身、父母、国家、文化、信仰包括长相…你只是刚好幸运出生在了一个美满家庭没有禽兽不如的双亲，形象尚可，地域政局稳定，每天享受到的物质条件是很多人穷其一生也无法得到的稀有资源。

而那些出生在贫困战乱地区没有信仰自由的地球公民呢

记得是在看转播的奥斯卡颁奖，表演了电影《塞尔玛》的原创歌曲《Glory》，黑人演员们重现了毅然决然的走过大桥时的坚定与勇气，气势磅礴，歌曲结束全场起立鼓掌，扮演剧中马丁路德金的演员泪流满面。

后来过了好久找了电影来看，前前后后看了三遍，永远都无法忘记，居住在塞尔玛的黑人居民，明知道走过大桥，桥的那一端就是人间炼狱，等待他们的是警棍，是催泪瓦斯，是令所有人都无法容忍的滔天罪行，甚至是死亡，但是他们还是坚定的走了过去。

这个场景至今无法忘记。

《塞尔玛》。

正得不得了的传记+历史的美国主旋律电影，当历史科普教材看还是不错。

几段演讲都挺赞的，无论是金的缅怀，鼓动，振臂还是州长的偏激，总统的淡定都各有风格，演讲调子和节奏有种歌唱的味道我走偏了。

还是由衷尊敬民权斗士，无论这句话看上去有多虚幻，有些事情远在天边近在眼前，真切感受过才知道可贵。

《塞尔玛游行》影片讲述了60年代，在塞尔玛市黑人受到的不公的待遇，这其实是全美国的问题，影片集中在黑人对待公交车上不公平的政策出现了大游行。

马丁-路德金博士身为民权运动的代表人物，自然成了黑人领袖，他一直致力于黑人受歧视的努力，他发表过的《我有一个梦想》的演讲，使他上了《时代周刊》，获得了诺贝尔和平奖。

他主张非暴力游行，不对抗，静坐的方式，深受甘地的影响。

他主张黑人具有投票权，只要有了投票权，有了公民权力，才能保护黑人的自由，不受不公平法案限制。

据说，在1955年，一位黑人妇女因在公交车上不给白人让座，被法庭判了两年监禁，一系列的事件，引起了马丁-路德金参与了黑人运动。

经过努力，最终，约翰逊总统通过了法案，至此，黑人才终于有了选举权，可惜，马丁-路德金在1968年遭暗杀，享年39岁，美国人也投桃送李，每年都有马丁-路德金纪念日，在2011年还给他在国会前做了雕塑，之前只有华盛顿，林肯，罗斯福等总统才有的规格。